ExSys

Economy

Living as a couple? Your partner may be ripping you off.

Two people pay roughly the same amount every month. Ten years later, one has capital and the other has receipts. Here is the mechanism, without the moralizing.

He lives at her place. She bought the apartment before she met him, and she's paying off her loan. He pays a sum every month for housing, does the grocery shopping, pays the electricity and the holidays. Both feel they're contributing equally — and it's true, if you look at what leaves the account. Ten years later, she has an almost fully paid-off apartment. He has lived somewhere for ten years.

Swap the first names: the mechanism doesn't change. This isn't a story of good or bad faith: it's a story of accounting, law and exit options. Let's take it apart piece by piece.

The number that opens the question

In France, men's average gross wealth exceeds women's by about 15%. The figure comes from Insee, the French statistics office, based on its 2004 and 2010 Wealth surveys. But the detail is what's interesting: the gap reaches 37% on financial investments and falls to 4% on the main residence.

Wealth gap between men and women, by type of asset

France, Wealth surveys; average gross wealth, main residence in 2010

Financial investments
37%
Gross wealth, all assets
15%
Main residence
4%
Source: Bonnet, Keogh and Rapoport, Économie et Statistique no. 472-473, Insee, 2014.

Why is housing the most equal asset? The authors say so in their abstract: "this is explained by the main residence being very often held in equal shares within couples". In other words, equality doesn't come from what each person paid: it comes from both names being on the deed.

Which gives the reverse reading, the one that concerns us: when there's only one name on the deed, that protection doesn't exist. Nothing in the way money circulates day to day replaces it.

A figure to handle with care

A second figure circulates a lot: the wealth gap between women and men is said to have gone from 9% in 1998 to 16% in 2015. It's accurate, but it doesn't mean "women own 16% less". It's the difference between the average personal wealth of the two groups, divided by the average wealth of everyone. The authors give the readable version: the gap went from €7,000 to €24,000 per person.

Paying is not acquiring

A loan payment splits in two. One part pays for the service the bank provides: that's the interest, and it never comes back. The other repays the principal: it turns a debt into property. Add the building charges, the property tax and the insurance, which are also running costs.

Take a loan of €250,000 over twenty years at 3.5%. The monthly payment is €1,450. In the first year, about €8,610 goes to interest and €8,790 to principal. After ten years, the owner has repaid €103,000 of principal: that's wealth, not spending.

Where a €1,450 monthly payment goes

€250,000 loan over 20 years at 3.5%, first year

ItemOver a yearBecomes what?
Interest€8,610Lost (price of the credit)
Principal repaid€8,790The owner's wealth
Total paid€17,400—
ExSys calculation, constant annuity. Excluding building charges, property tax and insurance, which are running costs.

Now, the one who doesn't own. He pays €700 a month "for the housing" and pays for the groceries. His money covers running costs — and, through communicating vessels, frees up the other's money to repay the principal. At the end of the year, he has consumed a service. The other has €8,790 more.

The other half of the story

The one who is housed receives something real. If he pays €700 where the market would ask €1,100, he saves €400 a month that he could invest. The imbalance doesn't come from paying less: it comes from those €400 saved almost never going into an account in his name.

What French law does — and doesn't do

Three situations, three very different answers. They don't depend on how much you love each other, but on an administrative status.

Married, with no contract

Without a marriage contract, you fall under the community property regime. The principle is simple: everything acquired during the marriage, by either spouse, belongs to the community, and an asset that can't be proven personal is presumed shared.

Consequence: a home bought during the marriage is shared, even if only one name is on the deed. The name doesn't decide. But a home bought before the marriage stays personal, and repaying it with household money doesn't make it change sides.

In that case, the owner spouse owes a compensation to the shared budget (the law calls it a "récompense"). Its amount is surprising: when household money was used to buy an asset that still exists, the compensation can't be less than the share of the asset's current value that it financed — not just the sum paid.

Compensation: the sum paid or today's value?

Personal asset bought for €250,000, resold for €400,000; €100,000 of shared funds went into paying for it

Amount spent
€100,000
Share of current value
€160,000
"Amount spent": what left the account. "Share of current value": what the law uses here. ExSys calculation: 100,000 / 250,000 × 400,000. A simplified example; a real division of assets takes other elements into account.

Married with a separate-property contract, or in a PACS

The PACS (France's civil partnership) is, by default, a separation regime: each partner remains master of their personal assets. Each owes material support in proportion to their means, just as spouses must contribute to the costs of the marriage in proportion to their respective means.

Everything then turns on a boundary: what belongs to everyday life can't be reimbursed; what builds wealth for the other can. And the highest court, the Cour de cassation, has ruled twice in the direction that interests us. In 2016, it held that paying for a rental investment meant to build savings is not a contribution to household costs. In 2019, the same for a capital contribution, coming from the sale of personal assets, that financed the spouse's share in the family home.

The law therefore already separates what this text calls running costs from capital formation. Paying for daily life is contributing. Building capital is not.

The boundary isn't always clear

Careful not to generalize too fast: the monthly payments on the family home's loan are often treated as household costs, and therefore not reimbursable. The boundary is drawn case by case, and a notary draws it better than an article.

Living together without a legal status (concubinage)

Here, the law fits in a few words: concubinage is a de facto union, a stable and continuous shared life between two people living as a couple. No regime, no mandatory contribution, no compensation when it ends.

The Cour de cassation said it bluntly in 2018: the law doesn't set the contribution of cohabiting partners to the costs of shared life, so each bears the everyday expenses they incurred. In that case, a court of appeal had put half of the housing and electricity costs on the male partner: the Court overturned its decision.

One remedy remains for the person who became poorer for the other's benefit: unjust enrichment. It exists, but it is narrow. In 2008, the Court allowed it because the work done by the male partner in his companion's house went far beyond his normal share of the couple's expenses, and couldn't pass as the counterpart of the housing he had enjoyed.

Read it backwards and we have the rule: as long as what we pay stays within our normal share, or can pass as the counterpart of the roof we benefited from, there's nothing to claim. The rent paid to the owner partner is exactly that: the counterpart. The enrichment isn't "without cause"; the cause is the housing.

And even when the law recognizes a claim, time erodes it. In 2021, the Court ruled that a partner who had repaid alone the installments of a loan on a property bought together did have a claim against the other, but that it expires after five years, installment by installment. Twelve years of payments, five years recoverable.

The same situation, three statuses

One partner owns before the shared life, the other pays for daily life

StatusDoes the home become shared?Can what was paid be recovered?
Married, no contractNo, if bought before the marriageYes: compensation to the shared budget, calculated on current value
Married with separate property, PACSNoOnly what exceeds the contribution to household costs
Living together, no statusNoIn principle nothing: it's the counterpart of the housing
Simplified reading of the Civil Code (marital property regimes, PACS, concubinage) and of the rulings cited in the sources.

Where this architecture comes from

It didn't fall from the sky. The Civil Code of 1804 organized, under the dotal regime, a protection that looks a lot like keeping something under a glass dome: the husband alone administered the dotal property, and real estate brought as a dowry could be neither sold nor mortgaged during the marriage. The wife's capital was inalienable — and administered by someone other than her. It was safe from the husband's creditors, not from the husband.

In England, the Married Women's Property Act of 1882 ended coverture, the rule that absorbed the wife's legal personality into her husband's. A married woman became able "to acquire, hold, and dispose of […] any real or personal property as her separate property, in the same manner as if she were a feme sole". That's an opening of capacity, not a sharing: the law gave her no right over what her husband owned.

In France, we had to wait for the law of July 13, 1965 for the current marital property rules to be written, and for that of December 23, 1985 for equal management of shared property. The community rules we've just seen still carry the date of those two laws.

Two centuries of law have therefore settled the question of capacity: everyone can own, manage, sell. They never settled that of formation: who accumulates while the other pays for daily life.

Why nobody talks about it at the right time

Economists model the couple as a negotiation. In the models of Manser and Brown (1980) and then McElroy and Horney (1981), what each gets depends on their threat point: the situation they would end up in if the agreement failed. The more options you have outside, the more you weigh inside.

Lundberg and Pollak (1993) add a useful nuance: the threat doesn't need to be leaving. It can be a retreat inside the couple, each in their own sphere, without saying anything. So you can lose a negotiation that never took place out loud.

Gary Becker (1981) described the mechanism that feeds all this: specialization. The couple is more efficient if each concentrates on what they do best — and the one who invests in the home accumulates capital that is worth something only within that relationship. Economists call this vulnerability the hold-up: nobody can foresee everything in advance, and the one who bet on the relationship ends up at the other's mercy, since what they built is worth nothing if the other leaves. Lloyd Cohen applied this grid to marriage as early as 1987, in an article with an explicit title: "I gave him the best years of my life".

Finally, John Nash's bargaining solution (1950) says something simple: with equal threat points, the split is equal. Turn it around and we get the result that bothers.

The inequality of a split measures the inequality of exit options.

If one can leave tomorrow without losing anything and the other can't, the split will tilt, even between two people of good faith.

Is it unfair? The question has no single answer

The social psychologist Morton Deutsch showed in 1975 that distributive justice has not one principle but three, and that the choice between them depends on the type of relationship:

  • Equity: everyone receives in proportion to what they contributed. Read this way, the one who bought the home and carries the debt keeps the home. Nothing to object to.
  • Equality: in a relationship of solidarity, you share equally, regardless of contributions. Read this way, ten years of shared life should produce ten years of shared wealth.
  • Need: you give each according to what they need. Read this way, the question isn't who paid, but who will end up without housing.

All three readings are defensible. What creates the conflict, often, is that the two people don't apply the same principle — and neither knows the other is applying a different one.

A now-classic experiment, the ultimatum game (Güth, Schmittberger and Schwarze, 1982), shows that people don't reason in pure self-interest: a player offered a share they judge too small often refuses it, even though refusing costs them money and gains them nothing. The feeling of being treated unfairly has a price that people agree to pay. That may be what explains the violence of some separations: people aren't fighting over an amount, they're fighting against a split.

What separations show

Marriage provides a catch-up mechanism: the prestation compensatoire (a compensatory payment), meant to compensate as far as possible for the disparity that the break creates in the spouses' respective living conditions. The judge takes into account the length of the marriage and the professional choices made by one spouse to favor their partner's career at the expense of their own. How it is calculated remains to be seen. We found no official scale or formula: the judge assesses each situation, looking at the length of the marriage, each person's age and health, their qualifications and professional situation, the time one spent on the children or on the other's career, their wealth after the separation and their pension rights. The Ministry of Justice statistics (divorces granted in 2013) give an order of magnitude: a compensatory payment is awarded in about 19% of divorces, nine times out of ten as a lump sum, for a median amount of €25,000, and in one case out of ten above €100,000. It is paid by the ex-husband to the ex-wife in more than nine cases out of ten. A PACS and concubinage have no equivalent.

And the numbers? In France, comparing couples who separated in 2009 with identical couples who stayed together, using tax data, three researchers measure "an average loss in standard of living of 19% for women, clearly higher than that of men (2.5%)".

Loss of standard of living after a separation

France, married or PACS couples separated in 2009, tax data

Women
−19%
Men
−2.5%
Source: Bonnet, Garbinti and Solaz, Insee-Ined working paper, 2016. The gap is mostly explained by the share of income each brought in before the break: the one who earned the least lived partly on the other's income, and loses it by leaving, while the one who earned the most keeps almost all of theirs.
The figure you'll be told, and which is wrong

You may be quoted a much more spectacular figure: after a divorce, women would lose 73% of their standard of living and men would gain 42%. It comes from a 1985 book and it is wrong. In 1996, the sociologist Richard Peterson redid the calculation on the same data and found −27% and +10%; the author acknowledged the error in the same journal. The two orders of magnitude aren't equal, and it's the second one we'll keep.

A US study of divorces after age 50 finds a drop for both: "women experience a 45% drop in their standard of living, men's falls by only 21%". Two losers, to very different degrees.

What money says, beyond the accounts

The numbers say who pays for what. They don't say how each person lives it, and that's where couples collide.

Take the one who is housed. If they hear "you owe me nothing", they may read generosity in it, or a sign that they don't count in the project. If they hear "you owe me your share", they may read fairness, or the feeling of being treated as a tenant. The owner has the same mirror: being asked for a right over the property can pass for distrust, and being reproached for sharing nothing can pass for ingratitude. These are possible readings, not survey results. But the ultimatum game, seen above, is a reminder that the feeling of injustice weighs on decisions, even when it's costly.

Behind an arrangement, we can read three needs. It's a reading grid, not a study result:

  • To be recognized. What I put in counts, even when it isn't capital: the groceries, the time, the children.
  • To be safe. If the relationship ends, or if the other disappears, I don't end up without a roof or without anything.
  • To stay free. I don't have to ask permission to exist in my own home, and the other doesn't have to justify owning.

What makes an arrangement acceptable

There is no fair split in itself, as we saw with Deutsch. You can, however, recognize an arrangement that both can carry without resentment.

  • It survives a reversal of roles. Back to the opening, with the first names swapped: would each sign the same arrangement in the other's place?
  • It is spoken. The conflict often comes from each applying a different principle without knowing it. Agreeing on the principle comes before the calculation. Many couples combine: equity for capital, need for security.
  • It gets revisited. What suits you at twenty-eight, with no children, doesn't necessarily suit you after cutting back your activity. The one who invests in the home is the most exposed; that's the hold-up of Becker and Cohen.
  • It doesn't force you to put a price on everything. A couple is not a company. The point is to set down the capital, not to invoice every meal.

The options, from lightest to most committing

When one holds the property and the other lives in it, there are several families of answers. They aren't mutually exclusive; many couples combine two or three.

Seven options when one owns and the other lives there

From simplest to most committing

OptionWhat it changes for the one living in the propertyWorth knowing
Write down what you agree onThe intentions are clear to bothA document doesn't always have the force of law. It states things and can help prove them. Have a notary read it.
Make contributions proportional to income, rather than equalDaily life weighs the same on eachThat's equity. It doesn't create capital.
An acknowledged rent, or a reduced one with the difference set aside in their nameThe service received becomes visible, the saving becomes capital of their ownIn the example above, €400 a month invested in their name. It gives them no share of the property.
Count the invisible workIf one cuts back their activity, the lost income and the future pension enter the discussionTo be raised before the decision, not after. See the article on career and children.
Come in as an owner: buy a share of the property, or buy together with the shares recorded at the notary'sThey become the owner of what they financePrice of the share, fees and taxation are worked out with a notary. This is the option that opens a right over the property itself.
Choose a status that protects: marriage with the suitable regime, PACS with the wanted clausesRights in case of separation and of deathSee the table of the three statuses above. A status doesn't settle everything.
Plan for the worst: will, life insurance with a named beneficiaryThey keep something if the owner diesIn concubinage, without a written document, the partner has in principle no right to stay in the home.
Ways of organizing things, not personalized advice. Each situation is settled with a notary.

Each option serves one of the three principles. Making contributions proportional and coming in as an owner come under equity. Buying together in equal shares comes under equality. The will, the life insurance and the status come under need: the security of the one who doesn't own.

None is the right answer. What matters is that the choice is made, said out loud and revisited when life changes, rather than left to whatever happened by default.

The legal framework in brief

Married. The law provides a complete framework. Without a contract, what is acquired during the marriage belongs to both, in halves. A marriage contract lets you choose otherwise, for example for each to remain the owner of their own assets. In case of divorce, the compensatory payment can make up the gap created by the break. At death, the surviving spouse inherits and pays no inheritance tax; they alone can also receive a share of the other's pension (survivor's pension).

PACS. The law is thinner. Each remains the owner of what they buy alone; an asset bought together is in joint ownership, in equal shares or in proportion to what each put in, depending on the purchase deed. Pooling everything you acquire applies only if the PACS contract provides for it. There is no compensatory payment and no survivor's pension. At death, the partner inherits nothing without a will, but, if named in a will, pays no inheritance tax.

Living together with no status. The law provides nothing. Each keeps what is in their name, there is no catch-up at separation, no inheritance at death, no survivor's pension, and a bequest to your partner is taxed at 60% after an allowance of €1,594. All that remains are difficult remedies, before a judge, for the one who can prove what they contributed.

This article leaves aside a question we can't avoid: behind the gaps, are there choices, constraints, or repetition? We explore it in Career and kids: choice, obligation or repetition?

Written on October 27, 2026, updated on October 28, 2026

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Sources

  • Carole Bonnet, Alice Keogh and Benoît Rapoport, "Quels facteurs pour expliquer les écarts de patrimoine entre hommes et femmes en France ?" (which factors explain the wealth gaps between men and women in France?), Économie et Statistique no. 472-473, Insee, 2014, pp. 101-123 (full text).
  • Nicolas Frémeaux and Marion Leturcq, "Inequalities and the individualization of wealth", Journal of Public Economics, vol. 184, 2020 (author version). Wealth surveys 1998 and 2015.
  • Carole Bonnet, Bertrand Garbinti and Anne Solaz, Gender Inequality after Divorce, Insee-Ined working paper, 2016 (full text).
  • Ministry of Justice, Infostat Justice no. 144, "La prestation compensatoire" (the compensatory payment), divorces granted in 2013. Criteria for setting it: Civil Code, section on the compensatory payment (Légifrance). PACS, concubinage and inheritance regimes: service-public.fr pages and notarial sites. Code civil des Français of 1804 (dotal regime).
  • Cour de cassation, 1st civil chamber: December 19, 2018, no. 18-12.311; September 24, 2008, no. 06-11.294; April 14, 2021, no. 19-21.313; October 5, 2016, no. 15-25.944; October 3, 2019, no. 18-20.828. All published in the bulletin.
  • Married Women's Property Act 1882, enacted text, legislation.gov.uk.
  • Marilyn Manser and Murray Brown, International Economic Review, 1980; Marjorie McElroy and Mary Jean Horney, International Economic Review, 1981; Shelly Lundberg and Robert Pollak, Journal of Political Economy, 1993; Gary Becker, A Treatise on the Family, 1981; Lloyd Cohen, Journal of Legal Studies, 1987; John Nash, Econometrica, 1950; Werner Güth, Rolf Schmittberger and Bernd Schwarze, Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 1982; Morton Deutsch, Journal of Social Issues, 1975.
  • I-Fen Lin and Susan Brown, "The Economic Consequences of Gray Divorce for Women and Men", The Journals of Gerontology: Series B, 2021 (divorces after 50, United States). Richard Peterson and Lenore Weitzman, American Sociological Review, vol. 61, 1996, pp. 528-540.

ExSys calculations: monthly payment of a constant-annuity loan, and compensation calculated on the current value of the asset. The numerical examples are illustrations, not real cases. This article describes mechanisms; it gives neither legal advice nor wealth-planning advice. A particular situation is settled with a notary or a lawyer.